BRIEF
HISTORY OF WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS IN IRAN 1850
– 2000 Massoume@mailandnews.com
Any
analysis of the women’s movement in Iran is a very
complicated task and requires time and space. This very
brief article is meant to provide much needed basic
information for the general public and to provide a
coherent picture of what has been happening over the last
two centuries. The second half of the nineteenth century
is the beginning of fundamental structural and ideological
transformations in Iran and the start of the women’s
movement that is still going on.
The
first major figure, Fatima, the eldest daughter of a
prominent religious leader was born in Ghazvin in 1814.
Fatima and her sister Marzieh received religious training
and became masters in Persian literature, Arabic and
Islamic studies. At the age of 14, she married her cousin
the son of Mulla Mohammed Taghi Borghani, one of the most
famous Usuli religious leaders. Orthodox and dogmatic the
Usulis dominated the theological schools and strongly
opposed all other schools of thought including Ahkbari and
the latter Sheykhi who demanded reforms and challenged the
authority of Mujtahids.
The
two sisters influenced by a close relative took the side
of the Sheykhi.
In
1828 the young couple moved to Iraq to further their
religious studies at Najaf and Karbala, where many Sheykhi
ulama resided in exile. The long stay in Iraq introduced
Fatima to others including Seyyed Kazem Rashti and his
Succesor Seyyed Mohammad Bab, whom she never met. She also
became exposed to European politics and influence
spreading in Middle East at the time. Fatima joined Rashti
who gave her the title of Qurrat al-Ain and eventually
ended in the top leadership of the later Babi movement.
Her actions alienated her family; she left her husband
started lecturing and openly supported the Babi movement.
Amongst many changes demanded by the Babis, emancipation
of women became an issue. Though her actions were
predominantly religious her presence often without a veil
in public debates created a stir even amongst the Babis
and she often was forced to leave and move to another
city. Her very strong presence in the movement initiated
the formation of the first well-organized women’s league
in Iran.
The
first meetings were held at the house of the widowed Mrs.
Rashti and quickly spread throughout the country. Fatima,
Marzieh, Khorshid Beygom Khanum, with the mother and
sister of Mulla Hussein Boushroyeh, the mother of Hadi
Nahri, Rustameh, the first militant female leader in the
movement and Mrs. Rashti traveled all over, organized
meetings, helped and rescued Babis. Many female members of
the Royal court also supported Fatima who was known as
Tahireh or pure by this time. In 1848, after the massive
persecution of the Babis, the remaining leaders gathered
at Behdasht. In the meeting Tahireh tears off her veil and
demands emancipation of women. Her radical actions splits
the leadership; Tahireh herself is arrested is send into
exile. She escapes, a few days after a failed attack on
Naser al-Din Shah’s life; she is captured in Tehran and
along with other Babi leaders was executed in 1852.
The
Babi and their successor Bahai women’s movements were
genuine, dynamic, progressive and emancipated the female
supporters of these faiths. However they remained
sectarian and were secondary to the principal doctrines of
the faith. Though this limited their appeal to the general
public but the incidents were observed by all. The mass
execution of Babi women and children shocked the nation
particularly the upper class and more educated women,
lessons were learned, moves copied and actions followed.
In
the later half of the 19th century other
prominent women emerged. Taj Saltaneh, Naser al-Din
Shah’s daughter in her famous memoirs criticized the
stagnation of the political and social institutions in
Iran without rejecting Monarchy. She mentions the pitiful
state of women in Iran, criticizes the notion of veiling
and how it has stopped women from advancing and joined
secrete societies with other members of the royal court.
Bibi Khanoum Astarabadi in her pamphlet The
Shortcomings of Men strongly criticized the derogatory
popular book Educating Women and concluded that the
writer’s understanding of keeping women in their place
implies the total subjugation of women.
Bibi
and her mother belonged to the generations of women who
served the Royal women. They thought literature;
calligraphy, music, religion and many were talented poets
with their own written works of which quite a few have
survived. In the late 1900’s women had a very strong
presence in the constitutional struggle and the subsequent
revolution. The Reuter concession of 1872 and the Tobacco
protest brought masses of women into the streets. Kamran
Mirza, the vice regent was attacked by hordes of women.
Militant women lead by Zeynab Pasha alongside armed men
attacked government warehouses in Tabriz. At the same time
the wife of Haydar Khan Tabrizi and other women armed with
sticks protected pro constitution speakers in Tabriz.
Mrs.
Jahangeer, the aunt of the martyred journalist Mirza
Jahangeer Sur-i Israfil, blocked Mozafare Din Shah’s
carriage and warned him to endorse the constitution.
Progressive newspapers like Sur-i Israfil, Habl al Matin,
Qanun, Soraya and Nida-yi Vatan published articles by men
and women writers demanding constitutional and gender
rights. Women from all faiths gathered and joined the
strikers seeking sanctuary at the British embassy in 1906.
Setareh the daughter of the Armenian revolutionary
activist Yephrem Khan her mother and many others, Jewish,
Bahai, Zoroastrian etc., participated.
After
the constitution was granted in August 1906, women became
involved in both boycotting the import of foreign goods
and raising funds for the establishment of the first
National Bank. Native fabrics were worn and women sold
their jewelry and dowries to finance the bank. The members
of the Secret Union of women published pamphlets and
articles demanding men should give up their seats in
Majlis and let women run the country. With the victory of
revolution they expected equal opportunities and gender
rights. None was granted in the constitution. The
electoral law of September 1906 had expressly barred women
from the political process, and the appeal to the newly
formed Majlis for institutional support received hostile
response. They were told that “ the women’s education
and training should be restricted to raising children,
home economics and preserving the honor of the family”.
Family laws remained within the domain of Shariat with no
change and emancipation of women became an embarrassment.
Women
decided to organize by themselves, education became the
priority. In March 1838 American Presbyterian missionaries
had opened the first girls’ school in Urumiyah,
Azarbaijan. Religious minorities, mainly Armenians,
attended the school. Similar schools had opened in Tehran,
Tabriz, Mashhad, Rasht, Hamden and other cities. However
Muslim girls were barred to attend the missionary schools
by the religious authorities and public pressure. In the
1870s the first Muslim girls joined the American school in
Tehran. The failure of Majlis to meet their demands forced
women to take action. Semi secret societies were formed.
On
January 20, 1907, a women’s meeting was held in Tehran
where ten resolutions were adopted, including one that
called for establishing girls’ schools and another that
sought the abolition of dowries so that the money could be
spent on educating the girls instead. In 1907, Bibi
Vazirof opened Madresseh Doushizegan. She was forced to
close but re-opened. At the same time Toba Azmodeh opened
Namus in her own house. Despite threats and abuse by the
mob and religious authorities the efforts continued. The
opening of Effatiyah School by Mrs. Safieh Yazdi, the wife
of the pro constitution mujtahid, Mohammed Yazdi in 1910
encouraged others and more schools were opened. In 1911
Mahrukh Gawharshinas defied her husband and started
Taraghi. In the same year Mah Sultan Amir Sehei opened
Tarbiyat. By
1913 there were 9 women’s societies and 63 girls’
schools in Tehran with close to 2500 students.
The
schools produced the first generation of well-educated and
prominent women. Touran Azmoudeh, Fakhre Ozma Arghon (Simin
Behbahani’s mother), Bibi Khalvati, Guilan Khanoum,
Farkhondeh Khanoum and Mehrangize Samiei, are amongst the
best known graduates of these early schools. Male
supporters joined the movement. Mr. Javad Sartip, Mirza
Hussein Rushdiyeh, Nasr Douleh and Adib Douleh are amongst
the best known supporters whose moral and financial
support made the movement possible.
Women’s
associations flourished. Society for the Freedom of
Women and Secret
Union of Women were
formed in 1907. Association of the Ladies of the
Homeland was followed by
The Society for the welfare of Iranian Women, Women
of Iran, Union of Women, Women’s Efforts, and
the Council of Women of the Center.
They all played an active part in politics; organized
plays raised funds for schools, hospitals and orphanages.
In 1915 the Society of Christian Women Graduates of
Iran was formed,
followed by Jewish Women’s Association
they started organizing, helping and educating women and
children in their own communities. The communist members
of the Messengers for Women’s Prosperity celebrated the
International Women’s Day for the first time in Rasht in
1915. Society
for the Freedom of women, the most prolific of all the
societies attracted prominent activists like Sadigeh
Dawlatabadi, Muhtaram Eskandari, Huma Mahmudi and
Shams al-Muluk Javahir Kalam.
People from all faiths and men were present at the
meetings. The
gatherings were kept secret to avoid any attack by the
mob. Other ladies like Mirza Baji, Samei, Monireh Khanoum,
Gouleen Moafegh, Eftekhar Saltaneh, Taj saltaneh, Hakeem,
Ayoub, Jordan and Afandieh Khanoum were amongst the first
members of the society.
A
member of several associations and a publisher, Sadigeh
Dawlatabadi in 1918 opened the first girls’ school in
Isfahan and was forced to close it after 3 months. On her
return from France in 1927, she was amongst the first
women who appeared in public unveiled. Eskandari, a Qajar
princess later founded Society of Patriotic Women,
organized classes for adult illiterate women and published
a journal. The group in a demonstration publicly burnt a
misogynist pamphlet entitled Wiles of Women at the Sepah
Square in Tehran.
Huma
and Shams al-Muluk were leading feminist writers and
speakers. Huma was one of the organizers of a major
demonstration by women outside Majlis demanding equal
rights. Also a publisher and a poet she wrote constantly
on women’s issues. Shams al-Muluk, a teacher was the
first Iranian woman to teach unveiled in co-educational
classes in Tiflis. Others like Durrat al Muali were
praised by figures like poet Iraj Mirza for their courage.
Other prominent males like Dihkhuda, Vakilal-Ruaya, Lahuti,
Ishqi, Aref and later figures like Kasravi, Taghizadeh,
Saeed Nafissi, Ebrahim Khajehnouri and Reza-zadeh Shafaegh
also lent their support with others like Parvin Etesami.
Conservative members of ulama opposed the schools. Sheykh
Fazlullah Nuri and Seyyed Ali Shushtari often accused the
activists of heresy and having Babi sentiments. Soon there
were girls’ schools in all the major cities and though
they were constantly threatened, burnt and closed they
stayed.
In
1910, Mrs. Kahal published the magazine Danish. This was
the first journal published by a woman in Iran. Navabeh
Safavi and Mrs. Ameed Mozayan-al Saltaneh published
Jahan-i Zanan and Shikufah in 1912 and 1913. Sadigeh
Dawlatabadi followed by Zaban-i Zanan and Zanan-i Iran in
Isfahan and Tehran (1918 & 1919). Nameh Banouvan and
Jahan-i Zanan were printed in 1920. Mrs. Fakher Afagh-i
Parsa, the mother of Farokh Roo Parsa the first women
minister in Iran who was executed after the revolution,
published the later. This magazine was published in
Mashhad and was violently opposed by religious groups.
Mrs. Parsa was forced into exile and had to run for her
life. Many publications followed, by 1930s fourteen
women’s magazines were discussing rights, education and
veiling. Letters were send to Majlis; equal rights and
emancipation were demanded. They were refused and ulma’s
hostility grows.
In
1911 Ghassem Amin’s book Freedom of Women is translated
from Arabic into Persian. The renowned Egyptian activist
supported emancipation. Conservative religious authorities
responded harshly. Mirza Mohammad Sadegh Fhakhr-al Islam
published his own ‘Resaleh’ condemning the book,
emancipation and alcohol consumption.
Fazlullah
Nuri complained that “by encouraging women to dress up
like men Majlis has become a place for Amer-i be monker
and Nahyeh az maroof” (promoting the forbidden and
forbidding the good). Fazlullah Haeri Mazandarani in 1921
published Hejab ya Pardeh Doushizegan and condemned
reforms. Zia al Din Majd and Aboul Hassan Tonekaboni urged
Muslims to fight since veiling is a fundamental
institution in Islam. By 1927 a collection of all articles
opposing emancipation were published together in a book
called Answer to supporters of emancipation.
The Muslim Poet Eghbal Lahourri encouraged Muslim
women every where to stick by their religion.
Reza
Shah became monarch in 1926. In 1926 Sadigeh Dawlatabadi
attended The International Women’s Conference in Paris.
On her return she went public in European attire. In 1928
Majlis ratified the new dress code. All males except ulama
were required to dress like Europeans at all government
institutions. In 1930 ladies hats were exempted from
taxes. Emancipation was discussed constantly and
encouraged by the authorities. Mirza Aboulghasem-i Azad
established the first emancipation society in 1930 and was
supported by Yahya Dawlatabadi. The first conference on
Muslim women at the same time began in Damascus Syria.
Sadigeh Dawlatabadi, Mostoreh Afshar and Mrs. Tabatabai
represented Iran.
In
1931 for the first time Majlis approved a new civil code
that gave women the right to ask for divorce under certain
conditions and the marriage age was elevated to 15 for
girls and 18 for boys. The civil code was secular but
family laws remained within the domain of Shariat. The
Congress of Oriental Women opened in Tehran in 1932 and
paid respect to the deceased socialist Muhtaram Eskandari.
In 1933 recommended reforms at Damascus and Tehran
conferences were presented to Majlis and women demanded
emancipation electoral rights and were refused again. Reza
Shah intervened, in 1934 Ali Asghar-i Hikmat, the Minister
of Education received orders to establish Kanoun-i
Banouvan and implement reforms. Hajer Tarbyat was the
first chairwomen and Shams Pahlavi the Royal appointee.
Though controlled by the state, for the first time
women’s activities were legitimized. The Ladies Center
was not received well by the socialists and independents.
They opposed royal monopoly and interference.
In
1936 Reza Shah, his wife and daughters attended the
graduation ceremony at the Women’s Teacher Training
College in Tehran. All women were advised to come
unveiled. Emancipation of women was officially born.
Unveiling was made compulsory and women were barred from
wearing chador and scarf in public. A national education
system was formed to educate boys and girls equally. In
1936 the first females entered Tehran University. Shams al
Moluk Mosaheb, Mehrangiz Manuchehrian, Zahra Eskandar,
Batul Samei, Tosey Haeri, Shayesteh Sadegh, Taj Muluk
Nakhaei, Forough and Zahra Kia, Badr al Muluk Bamdad,
Shahzadeh Kavousi and Saraj al Nesa (from India) were
admitted. Amineh Pakravan was the first female lecturer
and Dr. Fatimah Sayah the first woman who became a full
professor.
After
Reza Shah’s fall, independent organizations were formed.
Safiyeh Firouz in 1942 formed the National Women’s
Society and the newly formed Council of Iranian Women in
1944 strongly criticized polygamy. Tudeh Party Women’s
league was the best organized in this period. In 1944 Huma
Houshmandar published Our Awakening and in 1949 the
women’s league was changed to Organization of Democratic
Women and branches were opened in all the major cities.
Zahra and Taj Eskandari, Iran Arani, Maryam Firouz, Dr.
Khadijeh Keshavarz, Dr. Ahktar Kambakhsh, Badri Alavi and
Aliyeh Sharmini were amongst the best known Tudeh
activists. The society was later changed to Organization
of Progressive Women and in 1951 unsuccessfully lobbied
for electoral rights. Mossadegh’s fall puts an end to
independent organizations. In 1949 the Higher Council of
Women is formed headed by Ashraf Pahlavi.
The
council opened branches all over the country focusing on
health, education and charity work. By 1964, it was
changed to Organization of Iranian Women and in 1978 had
349 branches, 113 Centers and covered 55 other
organizations dealing with women’s welfare and heath.
The last registrar indicates that in 1977 alone, over a
million women used the services. Most centers were trashed
after the revolution.
In
1951, Mehrangiz Dawlatshahi (the first female Ambassador)
formed Rah Naw and with Safeyeh Firouz founded the first
organization supporting human rights. The two met with
Shah and demanded electoral rights. Opposition by
religious authorities ended the debate. In Bahman of 1962
at last women were given the right to vote and to be
elected. In 1968 the Family Protection Law was ratified.
Divorce was referred to family courts, gains were made
with respect to divorce laws, polygamy was limited and
required first wife s’ written consent. Marriage age for
girls was set at 18 years. Mrs. Parsa became the first
women minister in Iran. Women were required to serve the
education corps and pass military service. In 1975, women
gained the right of guardianship for their children after
their husbands’ death. Abortion was never legalized but
the existing penalties were omitted and this made it a lot
easier. In 1975 Mahnaz Afkhami became the first minister
responsible for women’s affairs. Shariat remained but
ulam’s response was drastic, Fatwas by known figures
including Ayatollah Khomeini declared the move heretic,
demonstrations followed but were put down.
At
the same time Ali Shariati published the best seller
Fatima is Fatima and declared all western looking Iranian
women as corrupt. Ayatollah Motahari started the popular
series women in Islam in the secular magazine Zan-i Ruz
and confirmed Hejab. There were no independent
organizations except the underground groups opposing
monarchy. Marzieh Ahmadi Oskouei, Ashraf Dehghani,
Mansoureh Tavafchian, Fatimah Rezaei and Mrs Shayegan were
amongst the activists. By 1978, 33% of university students
were female with 2 million in the workforce. 190,000 were
professionals with university degrees. There were 333
women in the local councils, 22 in Majlis and 2 in the
Senate.
At
the revolution of 1978 millions of women participated in
every aspect of the movement. The Islamic Republic was
established in January, the Family Protection Law was
abolished by a declaration from Imam Khomeini’s office
in April and by March women were barred from becoming
judges. Women working at government offices were ordered
to observe the Islamic dress code. Women protested, on
March 8, International Women’s Day, thousands gathered
at Tehran University. The speakers could not speak since
the microphones were sabotaged. The crowd moved towards
Ayatollah Taleghani’s house, Jam e Jam TV station and
Ministry of Justice. In April the marriage age for girls
was reduced to 13 and married women were barred from
attending regular schools. By this time many Independent
women’s’ organizations were formed and all political
parties had their own women’s league.
Ten’s
of women’s magazines were published, the daily Awakening
of Women was amongst the first published in Tehran
University and was immediately followed by Equality, Women
in Struggle and Women’s Path. The later with the
National Union of Women and others formed a loose
coalition, the Committee for Solidarity of Women.
The
Organization of Iranian Women, The Women Populace of Iran,
Women’s branch of National Democratic Front, National
Front and the Association of women lawyers were amongst
the most active. The last one is the only one that still
exists and it has formed an extremely powerful lobby in
support of women’s rights.
The
Islamic Women’s Movement was formed with the support of
the government. Monireh Gorjee a member of the Islamic
Republic Party was the only woman at the Assembly of
Experts when the new constitution was drafted. She did not
oppose the new legislation concerning women. Shariat
became the legal code. In the first Majlis Gohar Dastghayb
and Maryam Behruzi were elected and represented the two
prominent parties, Islamic Republic and Crusaders for
Islam. Azam Taleghani represented the Women’s Society of
Islamic Revolution and send letters to Khomeini cautioning
the authorities about compulsory veiling. Altogether 217
members were elected to the first Majlis, 3 were women.
The birthday of Fatima, Prophets’ daughter was announced
National Women’s Day. In 1980 Azam Taleghani completely
wrapped in Islamic attire represented Iran in United
Nations Conference on Women in Thailand.
Zahra
Rahnavard, Prime Minister Mousavi’s wife took over the
popular magazine Etelaate-i Banouvan and the name was
changed to Rah Zeynab. Fereshteh Hashemi
Was
appointed chief editor of Zan-i Ruz. In the early 1980s,
Dr. Shahin Tabatabei chaired Iran at another United
Nations’ women’s conference in Denmark Amongst
independent participants was Laleh Bahktiar the well-known
scholar of Islamic mystic literature and a psychologist
residing in England. When asked about stoning women to
death, she defended the action and commented that no crime
is worst than adultery committed by women. At the same
time the tomb of Sadigeh Dawlatabadi was destroyed. In her
last will and testament she had said that she did not want
any veiled woman to ever visit her grave!
In
the summer of 1980, Rajai the Prime Minister introduced
the Law of Compulsory Veiling to Majlis. Soon all
political parties were banned members arrested and mass
executions of the 1980s put an end to all independent
political activities. Mojahedin Khalgh suffered most.
Maryam Firouz an executive member of the Tudeh Party
praised Imam Khomeini and called him the most important
supporter of Women’s rights in our history. Tudeh party
was the next one to go.
A
year later, Maryam Behruzi in Beijing condemned abortion,
called day cares as centers for producing robots. She
defended the Islamic Criminal code and regarded Ghesas as
appropriate and Islamic. Outside Iran the National Council
of Resistance and the National Union of Women were
established. Rah Zeynab magazine was closed down. Muslim
women began expressing concern over their situation in
Iran. Armed male and female personnel began their function
as the guardians of the Islamic code of conduct by
arresting, imprisoning, flogging and imposing monetary
penalties. In 1982, Freedom Movements’ women’s league
in Tehran after a meeting with Zahra Rahnavard, Azam
Taleghani, Ali Mojtaba Kermani, Ahmad Sadr Haj Sayyid
Javadi and Naser Katousian, expressed concern over
implementation of the Islamic Legal Code.
In
1984, the first theology school for females was
established in Qom. The male teachers entered the fortress
like building through an underground passage and never met
any of the students. Presently the school has female
tutors only and no males are allowed inside.
Unlike
male students of such schools, the women will not have a
religious rank. So far they have stayed away from all
debates in Qom and nationally. The only women journal
published by the theology students; Payam-i Zan is
published by males. After the war with Iraq and in the
1990s women’s issues became front-page news. The
magazine Zanan published in 1992 systematically criticized
the legal code. They argued gender equality was Islamic
but religious literature is misread and misappropriated by
misogynist interest oriented males. Secular activists,
Mehrangiz-i Kar, Shahla Lahiji and the Muslim Shahla
Sherkat the editor of Zanan lead the debate on women’s
rights. Reforms were demanded by all, the leadership did
not respond but for the first time they could not silence
the movement.
Segregation
of sexes legitimized the entry of millions of lower class
girls from traditional families and rural areas into the
public life and the education system.
The segregation required training of women to serve
the female only policies. Thousands were employed in the
security forces and morality corps and others to impose
strict Islamic codes. For many this was the first time
they had fully entered public life and received wages with
pensions at the end. Khatami’s presence in Ministry of
Guidance paved the way for a less restricted press.
Hundreds of books about feminist issues were and are
published including radical feminist books and
biographies. Faezeh Hashemi initiated Asian games for
Muslim women in 1993. Later on the establishment attacked
her for being outspoken, wearing blue jeans and riding
bicycles. In a landslide victory she was elected in the 5th
Majlis with the highest number of votes in Tehran. Muslim
feminism had emerged in Iran.
In
1997, a prenuptial document to be signed at the time of
marriage was approved. The object was to give women the
rights they lacked in Shariat. The future husband forfeits
his rights to polygamy and unconditional divorce. Women
can initiate divorce, divide assets and have joint custody
of children and child support. All the articles are
conditioned. As pointed out by the critics this is only a
voluntary contract, men do not have to sign and if they
don’t there are no legal consequences. The practice so
far has failed and most men will not sign the contract.
Few gains are made since then. Family courts are back
again and divorce is referred to these courts, though the
number of courts is very limited. Women can function as
judges but do not have the title. Mahriyeh is indexed and
linked to inflation. Women are given more grounds for
initiating divorce. But so far no fundamental changes. By
the late 1990s, the National Muslim Women’s League,
sponsored and financed by the government became a powerful
umbrella organization providing support and networking for
sixty registered women’s organizations.
In 1998, 52% of the students entering universities
were female and the worsening economic situation has
forced millions of women to enter the workforce. The fifth
Majlis has 13 female deputies out of 270. The changes and
the oppression have released a massive political force
never seen before. The result has been the formation of a
dynamic grassroots movement lead by the so-called Muslim
feminists who believe men have misinterpreted and
manipulated the religious texts.
This
re-interpretation movement is very new and is part of a
larger global movement by small reformist groups who are
questioning Shariat and its compatibility with the modern
world. The Muslims have never criticized practices of
Islam. Nor any Muslim country has provided a safe
environment where such re-thinking can be experimented.
Historically all such movements have either been crushed
or resulted in new religions such as Ismaili and Bahai.
The
struggles over the last two centuries have made one thing
clear to women in Iran. The inability of Shariat and
religious authorities to improve legal status of women and
the centrality of women to the political process. What
happened in Iran is a logical evolution of the women’s
movement since its’ beginning in the 1800s. Ironically
it started with religious reformists and ended up as a new
religion, Bahai. The women of Iran are not about to start
a new religion. But the realization is all too clear.
Change is not going to come from within the system.
Shariat is God’s words and constitution forbids any
legislation contrary to Shariat.
Pahlavi
rule cleared the path for women. Sooner or later they had
to face the major obstacle, Shariat. The revolution
provided the momentum. The secular women though extremely
active especially in legal matters are not heard as well
as the Muslims. The two have joined forces now. How far
the secular and the Muslim feminists will go depends on
the success of the larger movement in the Islamic world
and the political situation in Iran. In 1997 presidential
elections, eight women nominated themselves as candidates.
The Council of Guardians rejected all. Khatami won the
presidential election by promising women reform and equal
opportunities; none has happened as yet. So far he has
blamed the hard-liners; the new Majlis should show his
sincerity and how far he is willing to go.
|