HASSAN ALI KHAN GARROUSI (PartII):

AMIR NEZAM

IN PUBLIC SERVICE

By: Firouz Malek-Madani, Ph.D.

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Part I

During the sixteenth and Seventeenth centuries under Safavid dynasty’s centralization 1501-1722, Persia reached its height of prosperity by importing mainly silk and luxury items. The central power of Safavid dynasty declined in the late Seventeenth and early Eighteenth centuries, which eventually lead to the Afghan invasion and devastation of Isfahan in 1722. Later on, after a period of struggle and civil wars between tribal forces, which ruined the flourished economic life of the country. Nadir Shah’s invasions of India caused further socio-economic problems. It was only during the short popular period of rule by Zand Dynasty in Southern city of Shiraz that trade and economic situation of the country improved. The Zands were overpowered by another tribal dynasty, the Qajar, whose first ruler Agha Mohammed Khan took over the country through battles in 1779 and ruled until 1797. According to N. Keddie changes in world trade routes since the sixteenth century reduced Persia’s importance in world trade by the 18^th century.

On taxes “All taxation fell directly and ultimately on the peasantry, with a smaller amount paid by the tribes and by the town artisans.”¹The internal and foreign custom duties were another problem that the country was facing. The Napoleonic wars revived the Great Powers interests in Persia and this resulted in the rise of trade level. Fath Ali Shah (1791-1834), Agha Mohammed khan’s successor doubled the land taxes from 10 to 20 per cent and people suffered from irregular and oppressive taxes. In Sir John Malcolm’s studies of taxation in Persia, Keddie explains, taxation conditions did not change very much during the nineteenth century. However, “the treaty of Turkmanchai, which ended the war with Russia in 1828 limited the Tariffs on Russian goods to 5 per cent, and the same tariff was extended to other countries in later trade treaties.”² “There was no scientific reorganization of the revenue during the period under discussion, despite some abortive efforts by the reforming Crown Prince Abbas Mirza in Azerbaijan early in the century; by equally reforming Prime Minister Amir Kabir in the mid-nineteenth century; and by Naser El Din Shah (1848-1896) later in the century…As the Shah’s and country’s tastes for foreign trips and luxuries increased in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries so did exactions on peasants. Although Issawi believes it impossible to judge whether peasants conditions deteriorated in the course of the nineteenth century, traveler’s and observer’s reports suggest that they did- both Malcolm and James Fraser state that the peasants were rarely severely impoverished, whereas late nineteenth and early twentieth century reports due to landlord exactions, which increased with rise of cash crops and investment in land, but it was also due to extortionate taxes.” ³ Government expenditures on education were insignificant and Tehran’s Dar-Elfonoon was the only modern school built during Amir Kabir’s era as his only education reform that continued to exist to the end of Qajar Dynasty. The recession didn’t spare the currency situation either. It was caused by the cultivation of opium on former wheat lands followed by a number of droughts.

“Another aspect of the financial situation that was oppressive to the masses of the population was the rapid depreciation of the currency and the rise in prices through out the century. Until the 1860s this was mainly due to the cutting of precious metals in the coinage, but after that it was even more owing to the world fall in the price of silver, the basis of Iran’s coinage… The period 1800-1914 saw increased private investment in land, the growth of large landownership, and of landlord’s power over their peasants. Professor A.K.S. Lambton attributes these factors largely to the growing concentration of political, judicial, and economic power into the hands of landlords.”⁴ Among other factors that contributed to the economic decline of Persia during this period was “first, the 1860s silkworm disease that had a devastating effect on the terms of trade and second was the famine of 1871-72.

In the course of the nineteenth century most crafts and merchants were severely hit by the progress of European trade in the first half of the nineteenth century. Great Britain rapidly entered the Persian market with cheap industrial goods, mostly textiles, which began to undermine Persian handicraft production… Domestic and foreign efforts to set up modern industries were far less successful than were manufactories, primarily because of difficulties of transport and the impossibility of productive tariffs. Aside from some relatively successful gun and cannon foundries beginning with Abbas Mirza’s work in the 1820s, almost no dome industries were successful although numerous attempts were made. Amir Kabir tried to set up several factories and sent Persians abroad to be trained for them, but his efforts were abortive as were almost all succeeding ones.”⁵   In foreign trade the situation was not in Persia’s favor during the period of 1800-1914. In spite of large increase in the volume of trade, the terms were against the raw material’s prices and in favor of manufactured products. “The period 1800-1914 saw increased economic conflict between Iranians and Europeans, which eventually went from the economic into political sphere …European concessions beginning late in the century were similarly the occasion of mixed reaction. The first concession, for the Indo-European Telegraph line, was generally regarded as helpful, and the spread of foreign and state controlled telegraphs increased the central government’s control over provinces. Later the notorious Reuter Concession, mentioned above, was met with Iranian hostility from the majority of informed opinions, which helped bring its cancellation. The most dramatic economic conflict came with the Concession of a monopoly over the purchase, production, and sale of all Iranian tobacco given to British subject in 1890. Here the interests of Iranian tobacco growers and merchants were directly touched, and they played a prominent part in the nations wide protest movement that brought a cancellation of the concession early in 1892. According to N. Keddie in traditional Persian society there were four ruling classes with overlaps. First, the Shah, a number of ministers and a bureaucracy headed the higher governmental administration. Under the Qajar (1797-1925) important provincial governorships were in the hands of the royal family, and the governorship of the richest and most important province, Azerbaijan, was reserved for the Crown Prince. The governors, particularly the Crown Prince were assisted by ministers, who at times were the real rulers. Amir Nezam Garrousi was the mentor to Crown Princes Mozafaredin Mirza and Mohammad Ali Mirza in Azerbaijan. The ruling class sector and in many ways the most important ones were the Ulama, the religious leaders of Shiite sect of Islam. Their control over people’s social, political and economic life, which expanded during Safavid dynasty (1500-1722) and increased during Qajar benefited from political autonomy from Shah through living in Shiite Shrine cities of Ottoman Iraq since the eighteenth century.

They received taxes directly and in substantial amounts. Finally they were not selected but rather reached the high position of respect through a combination of education, ability and popularity. The next ruling class was the leading tribal families. Nearly all the dynasties that ruled Persia between eleven to the end of nineteenth century have been from tribal families. The tribal population constituted about half the country’s population at the beginning of the nineteenth century and was reduced to a quarter of the population by the beginning of the twentieth century. During the same period population of Persia increased from 5 to 10 million. Tribal leaders were both rich and powerful. They were important part of Persian life in both economics and political aspects. Finally, the fourth ruling class was the middle class, which made a large portion of the bureaucracy such as Kalantars (sheriffs), mayors, and Kadkhodas (Village heads).

In discussions of political economy and economic history Homa Katousian⁶ is one of the most experienced analysts with new approach to a number of theories in various areas of economics and political science. “ The nineteenth century coincides with the effective period of Qajar rule, and ends during the first quarter of this century. The tale of Iran’s social and economic developments in the nineteenth century is briefly as follows: There is secular tendency for population growth, trade expansion, price inflation and a decline in the domestic and external values of the national currency. There is growing contact with European countries, affecting the composition of foreign trade, the balance of payment, the pattern of consumption and subsequently the internal power structure, mores, norms, ideas and institution, culminating in the struggles against trade concessions to foreign countries as a prelude to the Persian Revolution…Nineteenth century Iran was certainly ‘back-ward’ in comparison with European socio-economic developments; but it was far from static, unchanging or unchangeable. Yet the changes, which did occur, were by no means necessarily ‘progressive’ if, as is normally the case, progress is associated with growth of economic welfare, the accumulation of capital, the invention or absorption of new techniques, the rise in productivity, the expansion of productive industry, the greater integration of the productive sectors of the economy, the emergence of a considerable industrial class, the enactment of serious social and political reforms, and so forth…The nineteenth century Iran could be divided into three successive periods, 1800-1850; 1850-70; 1870 to 1900. Period one corresponds roughly to the reign of Fath Ali Shah, and Mohammed Shah II” ⁷.

“Period I is, in some relative sense, a period of stabilization and consolidation. For once after a long interval, there was some considerable socio-political continuity through out the country, even in spite of the Russo-Persian wars, which led to considerable loss of territory. Period II separates the accession of Naser Eldin Shah in 1848 from the events of the early 1870s famine, the decline of Persian silk, the ill-fated Reuter Concession, and so on. Period III covers the rest of Naser Eldin Shah’s reign until his assassination in 1896.

…The second half of the century left Naser Eldin Shah with the unenviable task of holding the country together, within the old framework, in a period of intensifying economic unhappiness, increasing foreign imperial intervention and rising domestic political discontent. It is often claimed that, but for the loss of his reforming first chief minister and brother-in-law, Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir, popularly known as the Amir Kabir (whom he first dismissed, then banished and later had executed near Kashan), Iran might have made rapid progress toward industrialization and modernization along the road, which was taken by Japan some twenty years later…The general impression gained from the available evidence-including anecdotes, memoirs, travelogues, and what numerical data there are-strongly suggests that the socio-economic situation was somewhat better in the period 1850-70 than in the following thirty years. Indeed, it is in these last three decades that the process of socio-economic disintegration clearly reveals itself, in the growth of foreign imperial power, the sale of trade concessions, the accumulation of foreign debt, the widening balance-of-payments deficits, the rapid decline in the value of money, the growing socio-political unrest, the weakening of central control over the provinces, and so forth.”⁸ The main argument that will be presented in this article is to show how Amir Nezam Garrousi similar to Amir Kabir, if given the chance, would have continued the progressive and reformist activities that started with Amir Kabir and could have carried Iran to a modern and industrial society.

Lord Curzon the British governor to India during 1899 to 1905 and the foreign minister during 1919-1923 has described Amir Nezam in this manner: “Hassan Ali Khan Amir Nezam Garrousi, who has been the Persia’s Ambassador to France for years and resided in London for a period of time, spoke French fluently. He has a progressive mind and admires western technology. He possesses strong will and during his governorship in Azerbaijan, he put an end to all the rioting in the province. In summary, he is the best administrator in all Persia. Among Eastern statesmen one can rarely find a true administrator and in all Persia Amir Nezam is the man who understands the true meaning of administration in a European sense. At seventy-six years of age, he is still healthy and strong. The rumor is that he might be appointed foreign minister and possibly Chief Minister (Grand Vazir) during the reign of the new king. This would be a happy occasion and good fortune for all Persians.”⁹

Dr. Feuvrier, Naser Eldin Shah’s special doctor and the author of “Three Years in Persia’s Royal Court,” while traveling with Shah and passing through Tabriz, wrote these remarks about Amir Nezam. “He is an aged man with great intelligence, experience and wisdom. He has a special place with the Crown Prince.” Doust Ali Moayer ElMamaalek in his book “Statesmen during Naseri Era” wrote about Amir Nezam extensively. “Amir Nezam has a respectful and charismatic character, while kind and graceful, he possesses a certain magnetism that attracts everyone and makes them respect him. Even Grand Vazirs are not exempted and are influenced by his strong personality. Whenever, Amir Nezam enters a room they would rise up in respect and go toward him to greet him and walk with him shoulder to shoulder. Other ministers would not sit down without his permission.”¹⁰

It was in mid 1884 when Firouz Mirza Farmanfarma was a candidate for the governorship of Azerbaijan. Crown Prince Mozafaredin Mirza refused to accept him and Hassan Ali Khan Garrousi, who was at the time in charge of the arm forces of Tabriz, was selected for the post. Mohammed Hassan Khan Etemad Saltaneh in his memoir has documented that; “In 1884 Salar Lashgar Hassan Ali Khan Garrousi was appointed to the governorship of Azerbaijan under the order of Crown Prince. He did not accept Farmanfarma. During the same year Hassan Ali Khan was granted the title of Amir Nezam.”¹¹“During his governorship, he was so able and competent that everyone including powerful men such as Abdul Majid Mirza, Amin Eldoleh Mirza and Abdul Hossein Mirza feared him and did not dare confronting him. Once in 1889 he ordered a physical punishment for Amin Eldoleh. Even Crown Prince and Naser Eldin Shah

feared him. His governorship continued until 1891. In 1887 he got seriously ill. Shah was thinking of replacing him but it did not take very long that he got his health back and returned to his post.”¹²After resigning from governorship of Azerbaijan in 1891, mainly due to old age and his differences with the Crown Prince, he returned to Tehran and was out of job for a few months. Finally once again he was appointed to the governorship of provinces of Kurdestan, Kermonshah and Garous. He appointed his son Abdul Hossein Khan Salar Elmolk to administer the governments of Kurdestan and Garrous and appointed Anushirvan Mirza Zia Eldoleh to administer the government of Kermonshah. In 1892 provinces of Malayer, Toysergan, and Hamedan were added to his governorship and continued until 1893.

After the assassination of Nasser Eldin Shah and crowning of Mozafaredin Shah, Amir Nezam was assigned to government positions far away from the Capital. In 1896 he was once again appointed to the governorship of Azerbijain and supervision of the new Crown Prince Mohamed Ali Mirza. His appointment lasted only two years due to lack of good relations with the crown prince. M.GH. Hedayat (Mokhber Eldoleh) wrote in his book “Memories and Dangers,” “Crown Prince made accusations against Amir Nezam and asked me to prepare a report arguing against the need for a governor in Tabriz. Their opposition reached to such a height that Amir Nezam resigned and left Tabriz. Mozafaredin Shah was compelled to send a strong telegram to Crown Prince with the following content. Today, we ask you to discuss the important matters in front and in the presence of Amir Nezam. He is an eighty-year-old subject who would not allow anything to intervene with his duties. He would advise you on important matters. If there were lack of attention, he would either keep quiet or resign from his post. You have indicated in the past that you listen to his advice but in fact we have seen differently. Many incompetent subjects have surrounded you that make job difficult for a responsible official such as Amir Nezam. What can a man like Amir Nezam say to a 27-year-old Crown Prince? Why you do not make more time to think things out. Mohammed Ali Mirza Crown Prince in return sent a telegram to Shah and stated that between your majesty’s subject and Amir Nezam there is no animosity that should disturb his majesty’s mind. How would your humble subject not appreciate the services of a man such as Amir Nezam?”¹³   In another letter Shah wrote to Crown Prince “Appreciate good subjects. It is years that Amir is gone (referring to Amir Kabir) and I have even tried to make human out of wood and have not succeeded.”¹⁴     

Note: Here and in many respects Shah found similarities between Amir Nezam and Amir Kabir and showed a deep regret for loss of Amir Kabir.

“ Once again Amin Elsoltan became prime minister and since Amir Nezam who was not in good terms with him, resigned from his governorship in Azerbaijan in 1898 and traveled to Mashhad for a religious pilgrimage. When returned to Tehran in early 1899, he was appointed to the governorship of Kerman and Baluchestan. This was his last assignment before his death in the same year at the age of eighty in Kerman and was buried in Mahon in a tomb where he had built in earlier years.”¹⁵

In his years of stay in France and England as Persia’s Ambassador and his continuous correspondence with Nasser Eldin Shah, he recommended economic and industrial programs modeled after Europeans for Persia. In one of his letters he wrote”…but I need to emphasize that His Majesty’s intentions has always been toward progress for our country. However, since some of the means of progress are not still available in the country, encouraging foreigners to invest their money in building factories, railroad, roads, and telegram lines could be very valuable for informing our citizens and making progress more than ever possible.”¹⁶ During his stay in Europe, he purchased and sent the most advanced building materials, manufacturing tools and military equipments, such as modern guns, warships and continuously emphasized on the importance of building railroad in Persia as a step stone for modernizing the country. “The reason for your humble subject’s statements in the previous report to HIM¹⁷ is to give you the assurance that government of Persia is aware and we are doing our best to give the railroad contract to a company that is most eligible in building and is most capable of completing the project. Although, detail reports on the advantages of railroad are sent to Persia but I would once again emphasize that there is no work more beneficial and economically significant for Persia than building railroad.

God willing, if and whenever the rail road building is completed, HIM would closely witness the benefits and could order the implementation of other progressive programs that have always rightfully intended for this wonderful country of ours.”¹⁸ The detail report for railroad contract included the following points. 

First, the railroad would be in control of the government that is building the rails for the first 50 years and afterwards it will be in control of Persian government. Second, there is an income generated annually from the operation of railroad and increases every year. Third, it is documented in this contract that railroad is the property of Persia and therefore all benefits would belong to the government of Persia. Fourth, since, railroad belongs to Persia, government could obtain policies that would be advantageous to it such as recruiting employees from military and civil servants, which would save government money for employment training. Amir Nezam was very keen on financial affairs. He prepared detail reports on various financial activities and sent them directly to Shah. 

. “The cost of tools and equipment and construction of factories that your humble subject prepared reports and sent in advance are all ready at the embassy for shipment. The cost of machineries for paper processing and Iron ore melting are among some of the lowest one can find anywhere.”¹⁹

Communication and information were two other areas that Amir Nezam paid a great attention and repeatedly emphasized their importance to Shah. “ I received the detailed telegraph sent by HIM. I am gratified to be informed of events. It would help this humble subject to avoid embarrassment of lack of information in a public event, a social gathering or official meeting. With regard to Mr. Allison’s intent to change the agreement of the purchasing contract, it was a wise decision to disagree with him. In future, if HIM would respectfully inform the envoy and government employees of the contracts and allow government servants to check the details in advance, the short comings that could later on cause regret and disappointment could be avoided.”²⁰ He was a strong supporter of joining Persia to the European Art and Science Exposition. His argument was that it increases the country’s awareness of European progress in arts and sciences and increases the Persian government’s prestige and presence on international scene. He even negotiated the cost of participation and reduced it from over hundred thousand Francs to twelve thousand Francs. His reports to Shah were full of information on European economic, education, political, social and cultural affairs that were ultimately used as directives for decision-makings by Shah and his entourage. In one of his reports from Paris in 1866 he wrote, “On January 19^th 1866 HIM the Emperor of France has issued a decree with regard to new laws that are published in daily newspapers. It is customary that when a cabinet resigns, those who run the ministries and want to implement new laws have to follow these procedures. First, People’s representatives have the right to demand details on government orders issued and if the representatives find them opposed to the constitution, they can stop their ratifications. Second, the cabinet ministers should appear personally in people’s parliament and present a full report to representatives on their activities and participate in question answer sessions with the representatives. Third, there is need for more freedom of press and special courts that attend to journalists’ legal issues. Ministers can no longer question the journalists with any court rulings.” ²¹

Democratic evolution in Europe had an immense effect on Amir Nezam and being aware of its importance, he was trying to bring these events to Shah’s attention. He hoped that these reports could eventually result in improvement of Persia’s legal system.

Wherever he served, Amir Nezam left a deep impact on the communities and political processes. In Kerman’s History written by Ahmad Ali Vaziri, Amir Nezam’s governorship in that region is described as following. “At the end of June 1899 Asef Eldoleh was ordered to capital to hand in the governorship of Kerman and Baluchestan to Mirza Hassan Ali Khan Garrousi Amir Nezam. He is descended from one of the most prestigious families of Persia and a long line of important administrators who served during various dynasties. Amir Nezam has been in various important administrative positions including the governorship of Azerbaijan and ambassadorship of France and England.

Although Kerman and Baluchestan did not hold the same regional importance as Azerbaijan, but due to degree of crisis in those regions, Amir Nezam was the only man capable enough to put an end to. During his short term as governor and before his death, he was able to establish law and order and put an end to uprisings and bring justice to the region. He gave attention to social problems, provided financial assistance to the region, paid respect to the learned and religious leaders and was kind to poor and needy. He left such an impact on the region that years after his death people were writing about him and praising his achievements.”²²  

Amir Nezam’s love for his country and his determination in preserving the independence and sovereignty of Persia, were reflected in his activities including his daily reports from Europe to Shah, which were also a clear evidence of his unique personality. Among many reports and letters to Nasser Eldin Shah during an approximately a decade of his stay as Persian Ambassador to Royal Courts of France and England, one finds numerous occasions that he makes warnings about Russia’s threats to Persia’s sovereignty and economic independence from the Western powers. “As your majesty are aware, the government of Persia under the present circumstances would constantly be unstable and could not implement progressive programs and improve her internal security.”²³

On economic issues he wrote, “Telegraph line from London to India has to pass through Persia. As your majesty are aware, the British government has always been eager to connect the telegraph line between India and London. If they were convinced that the Persian government would give in to their pressure, they would keep all the benefits resulted from this operation to themselves. However, your humble servant should indicate that there is no need to implement this project through foreign subjects. Once your majesty’s wishes are to command the connection of the line from the Capital to Port of Bushehr, which doesn’t entail a great expense, the British government would bring her telegraph line from Bombay to Port of Bushehr and would pressure the Ottoman government to bring the telegraph line to their boarder with Azerbaijan. As your majesty wishes.”²⁴ In his letters and reports to Shah, he continuously pointed out the importance of establishing new industrial and manufacturing infrastructures in order to encourage progress and development. “The issue of telegraph line that was presented by the British government not only would elevate their level of trust in our government but would also increase our country’s revenues. What were the negative aspects of this project that His Majesty did not approve of? If HIM did not approve of British government being in charge of the implementation, our government could complete the first half of the project. This would at least discourage the British from building the telegraph line through the Ottoman soil to Basra, Persian Gulf and Bombay. The connection of telegraph line from Tehran to Baghdad, which is still not started, holds a great advantage for us. It is inconceivable to think that British government or others would contemplate on take over of foreign lands based on installation of telegraph line or construction of railways.

At the same time, they may not rule out the take over of foreign lands in the absence of any telegraph line or railways. The reason for my frankness is to emphasize the significance of going forward with these important steps in a hurry. The Europeans are going forward thousand kilometers an hour and would be willing to help Persia develop, once they see a sincere and drastic progressive move in our country.”²⁵

His serious manner and efficient operation were apparent in military and civilian organizations that his was involved. In a report from Europe he wrote: “After receiving the news about the military defeat of Persian army in Marv, His Majesty received me twice. In both instances I found HIM quite furious and in finding a resolution Your Majesty demanded my humble opinion. I respectfully responded that the occurrence of this incident while extremely regretful could be a valuable military and administrative lesson for future to avoid similar problem. Your humble subject states with frankness that many of the high military officers are quite conceited and disagreeable. If an individual is ambitious and strives to succeed, others do everything in their power to block it. The officers ridicule their commanders. During enemy attacks, instead of leading their soldiers to defeat the enemy, they take safety behind a wall or a hill, where they can avoid the dangers and noise of the battlefield and send the inexperienced soldiers to the front to be sacrificed. The officers are not a bit concerned about the health, food and general conditions of the soldiers and cannot establish proper organization and order among the troops. During nightfall instead of gathering for meetings, consultations, planning for battle and collection of thoughts, the officers and commanders occupy themselves with activities that this humble subject does not dare repeating to His Majesty. In addition to the above, other problems confront the military that makes progress and improvement in services more difficult. First, the allocated money for troops’ salaries and clothing is insufficient. Specially, since half of the money disappears in various government agencies before reaching the troops. Second, most military equipments are incomplete and obsolete. No one from commander to private is aware of his duties. Worst of all the troops’ daily supplies does not accompany them and soldiers lack confidence in its on-time arrival.”²⁶  

Shah was aware of Amir Nezam’s capabilities and experiences he had gathered in Europe and wanted to utilize them in modernizing Persia’s administrations in various organizations. Therefore, in 1865 Naser Eldin Shah and Mirza Mohammed Khan Qajar Sepah Salar assigned Amir Nezam back to Capital from Europe to reshape and modernize the military and administrative organizations of Persia. He stayed in Tehran for over a year and during this period, upon Shah’s request he prepared numerous guidelines and blue prints for projects that could be used in reforming government organizations. At the same time he was in correspondence with his son Yahya Khan in Europe and in one of his letters he wrote; “The reason for my delay in returning to Europe is due to orders from HIM and Sepah Salar that have assigned me to prepare new plans and projects for reorganizing the military and administrative offices. It has been a very difficult and time-consuming task. Long days and nights have been spent in preparing detailed documents that required HIM’s approval and signature.”²⁷

In addition to his profound understanding of administration and military organizations and sincere respect for law and order, he was a skillful military man on the battlefield. At times Amir Nezam was assigned to confront outlaws, who were causing disturbances around the country. In all instances, he was able to establish calm and put down the uprisings. Etemad Saltaneh wrote in his Daily Memoir, “Last month on 28^th of Zihajeh 1891 the people of Kermonshah revolted and took over government buildings. Amir Nezam was ordered to go from Kurdestan to Kermonshah to stop the unrest. One could refer to much unrest that came to an end under Amir Nezam’s leadership. Some of the more important ones include the defeat of Hamzeh Agha Mangur’s unrest in 1880, resolving insurgencies instigated by Ottoman Empire in 1891 in Savoj Balagh. On another front in 1894 he put down the unrest caused by Namdar Khan Khazal and Abbas Khan Assad Abadi in Kermonshah.”²⁸

One of the major concerns of Amir Nezam, that was continuously present in his correspondences with Nasser El din Shah during his stay as ambassador to France and England, was the possibility of a sudden Russian military intervention in Iran. However, it is quite surprising to see in some of the research articles by prominent historians such as Lord Curzon who accused Amir Nezam of patronizing with Russians.²⁹ Nikki R. Kaddie in her book Tobacco Sanction in Iran writes “ Amir Nezam the governor who is famous in his good relations with Russians…”³⁰ and in another section she continues “ Russian influence in Tabriz particularly on its governor Amir Nezam and religious leader Haj Mirza Javad Agha, has made this city the center for serious uprisings against the concession.”³¹

In Amir Nezam’s writings and memoir, it becomes quite revealing that not only he did not have any sympathies toward the Russians but also he was constantly concern about their political advances and aggressive military moves toward Iran. His significant influence and contributions in Persian political history could be seen in the following issues:  

1-      Independent rule in Harat

2-      People’s movement against Tobacco Concession in Tabriz

3-      Possession of Bahrain

4-      Reuter Concession Treaty

Amir Nezam’s sense of nationalism did not stop at his political and economic recommendations. As an outstanding military man he constantly insisted to Shah to recapture the city of Harat.³² His rational for this operation could be seen in two of his reports to Shah from Europe. First report was on Thursday 22, 1859 and the second in more detail was on Saturday 8, 1862. “England is not interested in capturing Afghanistan but is concerned about having a friendly neighbor next to Afghanistan and Turkestan that could rely on in case of threat from the Northern powerful neighbor Russia. It is British government’s conclusion that Persia’s interest in recapturing the city of Harat is due to Russian agitation and threats and general interest in the area. However, under the present circumstances, England opposes any kind of Persian military advances toward the city of Harat and in one occasion it reached the level of military confrontation with England. At the present time British government is facing many uncertainty at home and abroad and there is no one in Afghanistan and Turkestan that could stand the Russian military pressure in case of an attack. The British are quite disappointed with Amir Doust Mohammad Khan in Afghanistan due to his old age. If Persian government show a more friendly gesture toward England and convince them of our friendship the situation might change. “In another report dated Saturday 8^th of Shaval 1279 from Paris, Amir Nezam described to Shah how British government was disagreeing with Persian administration and governance of the city of Harat. “Under no circumstances the British government would agree with Persia’s governance of the city of Harat. They would take any measure to prevent it. We tell them (referring to British government) Persia does not have any intention except to see that Doust Mohammad Khan does not capture the city of Harat under any circumstances. We like to see the city keep its independence. The British government responds that we, the Persian government, should avoid any activity that would result in a military confrontation.”³³ We say leave the government of Persia alone. We need to defeat the enemy before it gets any stronger. He replies that we are not allowed to move our army into the city of Harat. According to our government regulations you can only send your arm forces, when there is a threat or intervention on your soil by Harat or Afghanistan. As we give our reasons of concern about Doust Mohammed Khan’s occupation of Harat, they avoid any written reply, and in very frank manner acknowledge that British government does not have anything to do with Afghanistan.”³⁴ Amir Nezam believed that Afghanistan and Turkestan, which at the time were under the British influence did not possess significant importance to England. The only reason England was holding on to her influence in the region was because of her lack of trust in Persian friendship, and was afraid of possible Russian political influence on Persian government. Amir Nezam thought, that if government of Persia could give British government assurance of her political independence and military strength, once again the British government might go alone with the idea of Persia’s governance of city of Harat.

One of the memorable periods in Amir Nezam’s Political life was his participation and contribution to the people’s movement against tobacco concession in Tabriz. In spite of all the British opposition with him and their criticisms and complains to Shah and accusations of his cooperation with Russians, Amir Nezam did not change his position and opposition to tobacco concession. He was in favor of abolishing the concession and continued to sympathize with people on sanction of tobacco. “Nasser Eldin Shah is now finally persuaded by his grand Vazir Amin Elsoltan to pressure Amir Nezam to resign from the governorship of Azerbaijan and return to Tehran. HIM is now convinced that his governor is either in treason or incompetent.”³⁵ The sanction and riots against Tobacco Concession in various towns including Tabriz was ordered by religious leaders. Orders were given to Amir Nezam Garrousi from Tehran to distribute guns among soldiers and arm them against the rioters. Amir’s response was that soldiers are part of the population and would not act against their own. This accused him of collaboration with the opposition and he was ordered back to Tehran and Agha Ali Amin Housoor replaced him. In his book Persian Revolution, Edward Brown wrote, “In the riots, Tabriz played an important role. Tobacco Concession announcements were torn up and were replaced by announcements from the opposition. Amir Nezam’s opinion was in opposition to that of Crown Prince and therefore he was forced to resign and replaced by Amin Housoor.”³⁶

In 1889 Etemad Saltaneh wrote in his memoir “as we understand Russians insist on Amir Nezam’s return to Tabriz. But Amin Elsoltan the Grand Vazir would not allow that. Even though Shah receives him everyday, his future is in question. In 1891 Amir Nezam finally resigned from governorship of Azerbaijan.”³⁷ He further noted about the Tabriz crisis and Amir Nezam, “On Tuesday 18^th of Zi Ghadeh (1309) 1891Shah telegrams Amir Nezam: “Amir Nezam, we read your detailed telegram with Amin Elsoltan. We are quite shocked. People’s opposition to concession and their demand for its discontinuation are understandable. But people’s behavior toward our special envoy Amin Housoor is quite strange. Shah doesn’t have the right to send his own subject to his own town for an investigation?” Etemad Saltaneh wrote on Wednesday August 28 1891, “Amin Housoor is apparently bringing gifts to Amir Nezam, Crown Prince, Nosrat Eldoleh and Grand Mojtahed Haj Mirza Javad Agha. He is trying to resolve the Tobacco crisis.”³⁸ The competitive nature of foreign policies of major powers toward small and poor nations during the 19^th century compelled the policy makers of the small nations to play political games between the major powers in order to offset their aggressive intentions and maintain their own sovereignty and independence. Amir Nezam was no exception to this rule. At times he would approach the Russians in order to offset the British forceful policies toward Iran and vice versa. In British government reports prepared by Kennedy, who was ambassador to Persia at the time, he warned his government with the following report.  After reading the Tabriz governor’s telegram Nasser Eldin Shah ordered Amin Elsoltan to send for me to share the telegram’s content. In these telegrams Amir Nezam has compared Tabriz to a Jungle, which is ready to catch fire and explode with a strike of a single match. There is serious threat to the life of European residents in Tabriz. Government officials are helpless and cannot rely on soldiers for protection. There is a strong rumor among the public that Nasser Eldin Shah is blasphemous and a wheeler-dealer who has sold his country to foreigners. The life of crown prince is also in danger. There is a dog running around the city of Tabriz with a placard around its neck reading, this is the personal envoy of Nasser Eldin Shah carrying his personal message. Furthermore, Amir Nezam informs Shah that the people of Tabriz would stop Shah’s envoy from entering the city unless his majesty provide Amir Nezam with a decree that he could immediately nullify the Tobacco Concession… Shah and Amin Elsoltan are now both convinced that there is a conspiracy in progress with a complete knowledge and involvement of Amir Nezam. In another report to England Kennedy states that “ it would be quite appropriate for the government of Her Majesty the Queen to show appreciation toward Amin Elsoltan, who has shown courage and sincerity in protecting British interests in Persia. Draft answers from British Foreign Office showed that Kennedy was ordered to inform and assure Amin Elsoltan that his sincere actions in protecting British interests in Persia are greatly valued by British government and the Queen.”³⁹ During the same period the French reports that were prepared by their Ambassador is covered with information about the Persian, Russian and British activities in Iran. France was keeping some distance from direct involvement in Persian political arena and the rivalries between the British and Russians. In part of his report De Boulois ⁴⁰ states “at first it seemed evident that the religious leader of Tabriz was contemplating on helping Amin Elsoltan, since he owed him for once saving his life. But Amir Nezam in a letter convinced the Mojtahed⁴¹ that he will cooperate in destroying the Tobacco Monopoly Concession. From that point on they have been secretly cooperating. One thing that has attracted my attention is the amount of insult and opposition to Shah and no one seems to be arrested as a result. With the reputation of toughness of the governor (Amir Nezam) this seems quite strange and one can only conclude that the governor is overlooking the incidences. Soldiers only obey orders from their religious leaders. A high-ranking local official is considering Amir Nezam as the main cause and responsible for the present situation. He says that Amir Nezam has persuaded the Mojtahed that this is the first step toward establishing European laws in Persia. This would drastically reduce the religious power. In his secret telegram to Salisbury on September 4^th, Kennedy explained that the Shah’s telegram to Tabriz has reduced the amount of tension to some extent…Both the Shah and Amin Elsoltan would not stop at anything in protecting the Tobacco Concession Treaty. However, they are both concerned about the present circumstances and worried about the occurrence of a revolution. They wonder how far they should go in protecting the treaty. In another telegram he describes Amir Nezam’s report to Shah and how he can no longer control the mob in Tabriz and the posters demanding to expel Shah’s special envoy from Tabriz. Shah in his telegram to Governor accuses him of incompetence and orders his special envoy to return to Tehran.”⁴² Amir Nezam’s opposition to Shah and his Grand Vazir with regard to Tobacco Concession Treaty are indicative of his understanding of Persia’s dire economic situation and his genuine respect for Persia’s independence and self rule. These feelings are reflected in his extensive reports to Shah while stationed in Europe as the Persia’s ambassador to France and England. In one of his report to Shah on Friday the 19^th of Zihajeh 1277 (1860), Amir Nezam expressed his strong opposition to permitting foreign ownership of land in Persia. He further elaborated his position through his meeting with French Foreign Minister M. Tunel. The Foreign Minister inquired about my reasons for disagreeing with foreign ownership of land in Persia. ‘We in France believe that foreign ownership will help in progress of our country. As you may know one third of France belongs to foreign subjects. They have brought in millions of Francs from abroad and have helped in building factories, houses, farms and ranches…’In response, while I agreed with him in the positive results of foreign ownership and investment in France; I indicated that the peculiar political situation of Persia would require a different decision on our part. If a portion of land in Persia belonged to a French subject, it would make an excuse for our strong neighbor to the north to create serious problems for our country.”⁴³ Amir Nezam’s character and his sense of nationalism are also reflected in his insistence on the possession of Bahrain. In a letter to Shah he wrote, “ As it seems the British government would not recognize the sovereignty of Persia over Bahrain.⁴⁴ Now that Persian government has publicly announced her intentions in Bahrain, we should stand firm on our demand and not back down by British negative statements. If British government fails to recognize our rightful possession of Bahrain, Persia should act alone to take over Bahrain and consider the British rights in Bahrain annulled. If British government insisted in pursuing the matter further, other means of persuasion must be used. The details on this matter along with the original letter of lord Cowley are enclosed and I shall be waiting for his majesty’s orders.”⁴⁵Another important event during Amir Nezam’s political life is the Reuter Concession. The Reuter agreement with Baron Julius Reuter gave Reuter Company the monopoly to all economic activities of Persia for a period of 70 years. “ This included the construction of rail ways, extraction of all valuable minerals with the exception of gold, silver and precious stones, the use of forests for all purposes, development of waste lands, developing water canals, building factories, mills, banks, roads, telegraph lines all through out Persia.”⁴⁶ It was very unusual for a country to leave all her economic destiny in the hands of a single foreign company. Lord Curzon’s opinion on this matter is expressed in one of his paragraphs.  “To the whole world this has been the strangest concession that a government give up all its natural wealth to a foreigner.”⁴⁷ In spite of all the pressure from grand Vazir Sepah Salar in cooperation with Reuter to begin their work, Amir Nezam Garrousi sent an official telegram from Persian government to Reuter nullifying the concession due to lack of performance. Mirza Ali Khan Amin Eldoleh in the book The Age Of Unawareness (Asr Bee Khabari) is quoted as saying “after returning from abroad, which coincided with the time for implementing the Reuter Concession, people were constantly rioting against Mirza Hossein Khan. Ulama and religious leaders insisted on nullifying the concession. Amir Nezam Hassan Ali Khan Garrousi who was the minister of finance and public welfare through a telegram to Reuter explained that since you have failed to start your projects on time the government of Persia considers the Concession annulled. On the other hand Mirza Hossein Khan who still considers himself grand Vazir sent another telegram to Reuter congratulating them on the start of their work. The two paragraphs arrived in London within a few days from one another. The British government naturally considered the congratulating telegram from grand Vazir legitimate and ignored Amir Nezam’s telegram at the time. The Reuter’s representative in Iran called the concession still legitimate and in full force and any damage caused to the Reuter Company from the cancellation news would be the Persian government’s responsibility…. The Reuters Concession was finally cancelled in 1888 and government of Persia agreed to a new concession for 60 years based on founding Imperial Bank and the monopoly of the currency and printing money.”⁴⁸ Industrial nations have long been known for convincing officials in developing countries to sign contracts of great magnitudes that would involve huge projects and secure them loans to be paid to companies that would work on the projects. And of course it is clear which countries the companies would belong to. As the developing countries would default on their loans, they would be forced to sign further contracts and give concessions on selling their natural resources under market prices for decades to come. This practice was not all that uncommon during the nineteenth century and Iran was not immune from its harms either. Among corrupted local politicians who only pursued their own interests, one would rarely find sincere and well intended visionary statesmen with great integrity and honesty such as Mirza Taghi Khan Amir Kabir⁴⁹ and Hassan Ali Khan Garrousi Amir Nezam whose public services were only to address the well being and advancement of their society.     

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APPENDIX B

People's Memoirs and Historical Accounts of Amir Nezam Garrousi:

Recently a caller to a Persian radio station was drawing comparisons between Iran's past and present dignitaries and had this story about Amir Nezam:

On one of the Norouz ceremonies, while Amir Nezam was Persia's ambassador to France, he invited Napoleon to Persian Embassy to observe the Persian New Year Ceremony. While, Napoleon was visiting the Haftseen Table, he inquired about the plate that had Pashmak in it. He turned to Amir Nezam and said, what are these that look like "holy white beard"? Immediately, Amir Nezam brought the plate forward and explained about Pashmak and its content and how similar it is to cotton candy. He offered Napoleon to taste some. He was very impressed and demanded to have some sent to the Queen at his Palace.

18- Etemad Saltaneh, “Daily Memoir” Pgs 886-887, 1000

19- Amir Nezam in Embassies of France and England Pgs 80-81

20- Ibid Pgs 96-97

21- Ibid Pgs 133-134

22- Ahmed Ali Khan Naseri Kermani “Tarikh Kerman,” Pgs 653-656

23- Ahmad Soheli Khonsari: Amir Nezam, Ambassador of Persia to France and England. Condensed by A S Khonsari and published by Eghbal Publications.

24- Ibid, Pg 2

25- Amir Nezam in Embassies of France and England, Pgs. 68-69

26- Amir Nezam In Embassies of France and England Pgs. 28-33

27- “Pandnameh Yahyavieh,” with an introduction from Manuchehr Saied Vaziri       Pg 21-22

28- Etemad Saltaneh, “Daily Memoir”

29- Lord Curzon, Persia and Persian Problem, Pg 431.

30- Nikki R. Keddie Tobacco Sanction in Iran, Pg 96, 106

31- Nikki Keddie, Religion and Rebellion in Iran, discussion on Amir Nezam against economic concessions pgs 65-110.

32- City of Harat, which is located in western Afghanistan, was part of Persian Empire. During the 19^th century under pressure from the government of England, Persia was finally forced to pull out. Amir Nezam continuously argued that for Persia’s national security it is essential to recapture the city of Harat

33- Amir Nezam in Embassies of France and England

34- Amir Nezam In Embassies of France and England

35- Nikki Keddie, Tobacco Concession in Iran, Translated by Shahrokh Ghaem Maghami, Pg 106

36- Edward Brown “Persian Revolution”

37- Etemad Saltaneh “Etemad Saltaneh’s Daily Memoir” He wrote in 1889 that Shah received Crown Prince, Amin Elsoltan and Amir Nezam who is presently the governor of Kurdestan and Kermonshah. Shah was angry and ordered Amin Elsoltan to resolve the Tobacco uprising problem, since he had caused it in the first place

38- Nikki Keddie, “Tobacco Sanction in Iran, Translated by Shahrokh Ghaem Maghami, Pg. 105.

39-  Ibid Pg. 105-106

40- Name is taken from its Persian translation.

41- Mojtahed is a religious leader.

42- Ibid, Pg. 110-111

43- Amir Nezam, In Embassies of France and England. Condensed by Ahmad Soheli Khonsari, Eghbal Publications pg. 20-21.

44- Located on Persian Gulf

45- Ibid pg. 58

46- Hossein Mahjoubi Ardakani, “History of New Institutions of Civilization in Iran,” Pg 9

47- Ibid Pg 10

48- The Age of Unawareness, Pg. 188

49- The famous Grand Vazir (Prime Minister) during the reign of Naser Eldin Shah